My Biggest Challenge As A Digital Nomadess Won’t be What you Think!

When most people are faced with the question of my biggest challenge as a digital nomadess they won’t be going where my brain is going. I choose to spend most of my time in areas that most of the world call under developed. Or even worse third world countries. There in those descriptions lie a value judgement. The value judgement concludes that they are in some way inferior.

Discovering your self-care routine involves exploring various avenues, such as effectively managing stress, engaging in regular physical activity, nourishing your body with nutritious foods, establishing healthy boundaries in relationships, indulging in enjoyable hobbies, and cherishing quality time with loved ones. Fortunately, we have the technology to be connected almost anywhere, that is indeed a luxury when I started traveling we used snail mail. For those of you not old enough to remember snail mail here is a recap.

“Third World Countries”

The term “third world” originated during the Cold War era to describe countries that were not aligned with either the Western bloc (first world) or the Eastern bloc (second world).

Key points about the history and meaning of the term third world:

• It was first used in 1952 by French demographer Alfred Sauvy to refer to underdeveloped nations that were non-aligned with major world powers.
• The first world consisted of the U.S., Western Europe and their allies. The second world was the Soviet Union, China, Cuba and their allies. The remaining neutral countries were the third world.
• Third world countries were often underdeveloped, poorer, with unstable governments, and subject to corrupt dictatorships. Many were former European colonies.
• Geopolitically the third world referred to Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia. It included developing economies and least developed countries in these regions.
• Over time, the term took on a more general meaning referring to underdeveloped or developing nations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, regardless of political affiliation.
• It became associated with poverty, lack of resources, economic instability, and lack of industrialization. It highlighted inequality between the Western world and developing countries.
• Today the term is seen as outdated. Alternatives like developing world and Global South are preferred when referring to developing nations.

So in summary, the term originated from the Cold War divide and grouping of nations, but took on a broader meaning related to economic status. It’s largely considered obsolete today due to its stereotyping and over generalization.

Over Half of my life has been spent in Underdeveloped Areas

Obviously this has been a conscious choice. I was in India for seven years and Sir Lanka for nearly four. Recently I have been traveling in Central America. During that time I have witnessed a lot of poverty and hardship and I have been seriously reflecting where the origins of that misery came from. I have been living with either power or water outages on a daily basis. Granted of course I could leave, but I am very much aware that the local people who live here can’t get up and go.

My Biggest Challenge As A Digital Nomadess Won’t be What you Think!

Maybe it is the way my mind works but it occurred to me that I have been in four countries in the last seven days and all four of them have power and water outages regularly. If you don’t know what a power outage is, it means no water, or no power on a regular basis. Power outages in El Salvador can least for several minutes, but water outages can last for ten to twelve hours in Nicaragua. That is not funny in temperatures of 40 degrees Celsius which is over a hundred degrees Fahrenheit. Not that I am that angry about the loss of water or power, what annoys me is the cause of that loss.

Civil War is the one defining factor

All of those four countries had a civil war less than thirty years ago. They are only on the second generation after the wars. Every country in Central America except Belize and Costa Rica have had a recent Civil war or revolution. These have all been provoked by CIA intervention. American intervention caused and funded all the wars in Central America. it was in America’s interests to create war and instability because the wars provided them with massive profits outlined below. Only philosophers and fools think there is a winner in a Civil War.

How America Profited from the Civil wars

The US Arms Sales

Here are some figures on American arms sales to Central America during the civil wars in the 1970s-1980s, with sources so you can read the originals. As you my notice these are US government websites so the actual figures will be much higher.

• Between 1981-1984, the US provided over $1.2 billion in military aid just to the government of El Salvador fighting leftist rebels.
• In 1983, the US authorized $110 million in military aid to Honduras, which was being used as a base for Nicaraguan Contra rebels. Congressional Research Service Report
• From 1979-1992, the US sold or transferred $6.2 billion worth of weaponry and equipment to Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and Costa Rica combined.
• Nicaragua under the leftist Sandinista government received no US arms aid, but the US did approve over $50 million to arm and train the Contra rebel groups.
• For Guatemala in 1981-83, $9.5 million in helicopters, aircraft equipment and small arms sales was approved by the US.
• From 1982-1984, the US Department of Defense authorized arms sales from US companies to El Salvador totaling over $200 million.

“This was one of the consequences of the civil war. People stopped trusting each other, and every stranger became an enemy. Even people who knew you became extremely careful about how they related or spoke to you.”

Ishmael Beah
A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier

The War continues to impact Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Nicuragua

The effects in Guatemala

Limited Justice For the Mayans

1. Guatemala’s truth commission estimated over 200,000 people were killed during the civil war, the vast majority were indigenous Mayan civilians. Yet very few military officials have faced criminal prosecution for these atrocities.
2. Ríos Montt. Ríos Montt was president of Guatemala in 1982-1983 during some of the worst state violence against indi. genous Mayans. He spearheaded brutal counterinsurgency campaigns.In 2013, he was found guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity by a Guatemalan court and sentenced to 80 years in prison – the first ex-president convicted of genocide.However, the conviction was swiftly overturned on procedural technicalities regarding his defense, and the trial was reset. The process faced constant delays. In 2018 Ríos Montt died at age 91 without ever facing justice, after years of legal challenges citing his declining health. Guatemala’s legal system failed to sentence him.While in congress and under house arrest during this lengthy process, he remained influential in Guatemalan politics, evading prison. Many saw his avoidance of a firm sentence as further entrenching impunity. Many human Rights advocates blame his political allies for obstructing justice and manipulating the judicial system to prevent properly sentencing Ríos Montt for presiding over horrific atrocities like the destruction of entire Mayan villages.
3. National Reconciliation Law. In 1986, president Vinicio Cerezo’s government passed the National Reconciliation Law, which granted broad amnesty for political crimes and human rights abuses committed during the civil war.It barred all possible prosecutions of military officials for actions like massacres, forced disappearances, torture, and political murders between the early 1960s to 1986.These amnesty laws were lobbied for by military officers and right-wing parties to prevent trials against state forces for systematic civil war killings and repression. Another law passed by Cerezo in 1985 provided immunization for illegal actions taken by military and paramilitary groups to “defend institutional order” during the conflict.These laws prevented thousands of victims and families from pursuing charges and accountability against officials for over three decades after the war.The laws were eventually struck down as unconstitutional in 2019, but by then the damage had been done. The enforced delay allowed many responsible for atrocities to avoid punishment and remain in positions of power. Some officers implicated in war crimes were later elected to congress or served in government posts due to the effective shield from prosecution the amnesty laws provided.Not surprisingly the message this sent to the indigenous Mayans was, so sorry we didn’t manage to wipe you out, but now you have no legal redress. What this means in practice is the you have been hung out to dry.
4. Perpetrators of injustice have been allowed to persecute prosecutors. Guatemala’s judicial system has faced severe internal barriers that have obstructed efforts to investigate and prosecute wartime atrocities committed during the civil war. Judges and prosecutors tasked with pursuing human rights cases have frequently endured harassment, intimidation, and threats against themselves and relatives by powerful actors seeking impunity. This climate of fear has led many officials to flee and deterred accountability. At the same time, the Guatemalan justice system suffers from systematic deficiencies like corruption, cronyism, and lack of independence that allow those implicated in atrocities, including military officers and political elites, to evade charges through bribery and influence. Conservative politicians have also enacted amnesty laws and roadblocks to prevent prosecutions. The persistent threats, coupled with the built-in weaknesses and lack of political will within Guatemala’s judicial institutions, have prevented proper justice and created enduring impunity for civil war criminals decades later.
5. Entrenching Immunity. The ability of former Guatemalan military officers implicated in civil war atrocities to obtain influential positions after the conflict has further entrenched impunity in the country.Many commanders and soldiers accused of overseeing massacres, scorched earth campaigns, and ethnic cleansing against indigenous Mayan communities during the civil war were never prosecuted for their crimes after the 1996 peace accords. The lack of justice allowed these individuals to later attain powerful roles in Guatemala’s government, security forces, and private sector without hiding or acknowledging their past actions.Nearly all alleged war criminals took up leadership positions in the military, ministries, and major businesses.The presence of these figures in high-level posts has enabled them to influence Guatemala’s political trajectory, protect other former military officials from allegations, stall justice efforts, and continue operating with impunity. Their lasting impact on national institutions further corrupted and distorted democracy and the rule of law.Entrenched networks of former military loyalists across Guatemalan public life have obstructed transitional justice measures and made it difficult to break the cycle of impunity left over from the civil war. Their lingering influence maintains Guatemala’s climate of injustice decades after the conflict ended.
6. Mayan victims family have fought hard for justice. Mayan victims and relatives of the disappeared continue to advocate for justice and reparations. But political will to implement comprehensive transitional justice measures remains absent. In fact whilst the old guard are in power nothing will change for the Mayans. Transitional justice is just maintaining the old guard.

“There is only one cause and one result in a civil war and that is GENOCIDE”

Catherine Ford

The Fight Goes On – The Mayans are still fighting

Many Maya families have tirelessly pursued legal cases and campaigns seeking truth and justice for atrocities committed against indigenous communities during Guatemala’s civil war from 1960-1996. These efforts persist despite constant barriers and intimidation.

For example, the Myrna Mack Foundation was established in 1993 after the assassination of Myrna Mack, an anthropologist documenting military abuses against the Maya. The foundation investigates human rights violations and promotes justice system reforms

In 2015, relatives of Maya leader Vicente Menchú, including his Nobel Prize-winning sister Rigoberta Menchú, continued demanding a retrial regarding the 1980 Spanish Embassy fire where 37 indigenous protestors were burned alive by police. The incident has seen decades of impunity.

The Association for Justice and Reconciliation represents Maya survivors of the 1982 Dos Erres massacre, where over 200 villagers were killed by army special forces. They have pushed for convictions despite constant legal delays and threats.

Why Is A Robust System of justice important

here are some of the key points why a transparent system of justice is necessary.

1. To uphold the rule of law – An independent judiciary is crucial for fairly applying the law, providing equal protection, safeguarding rights, and constraining government power. This entrenches the rule of law.
2. To ensure justice – Robust courts prosecute crimes, settle disputes, and deliver justice by determining innocence or guilt through fair trials and due process. This provides legal recourse for citizens.
3. To hold leaders accountable – Strong courts can hold even top leaders and officials accountable by investigating corruption, abuses of power, and human rights violations. This promotes accountability.
4. To build legitimacy and trust – An accessible, transparent judicial process builds public confidence and legitimacy in the legal system as an avenue for redress. This encourages peaceful conflict resolution over violence.
5. To support development – Contract enforcement, property rights protection, and conflict mediation by strong courts enables economic growth and social progress.
6. To check legislative excesses – Independent judges can deem laws unconstitutional. This checks overreach and protects minority rights from majority infringement.
7. To deter criminal behavior – The consistent application of justice and punishments for law-breaking deters future criminal activity in society.

What Will It Take to Establish a Robust Independent Judiciary in Guatemala.

Establishing a robust, independent judiciary in post-war Guatemala that can tackle impunity will require substantial reforms and commitment.

Establishing a Merit Based Judiciary

• Institute transparent qualifications for judicial nominees based on experience, accomplishments, peer reviews, and demonstrated legal knowledge. Rely less on political connections.
• Create independent commissions which include indigenous people that screen applicants and recommend the most qualified to decision-makers. Include civil society representatives to balance government interests.
• Limit the discretion of elected officials in making final appointment decisions by requiring they choose from shortlists of pre-vetted nominees, and allow the Mayans a say in this.
• Engage bar associations and law schools to provide evaluations and suggested candidates for judgeships through their extensive knowledge of legal professionals’ qualifications.
• Require public hearings and input on nominees to increase scrutiny and identify partisan leanings.
• Establish enforceable guidelines to promote diversity, such as ensuring representation of women, indigenous groups, and geographic regions in judicial selections.
• Prohibit appointment of judges with clear conflicts of interest, such as those recently holding political office or related to powerful officials.
• Increase judicial budgets and resources to boost court infrastructure, technology, and support staff. This expands access and efficiency.
• Implement court administration reforms to give the judiciary clearer authority over its own procedures, budget and infrastructure needs.
• Establish specialized chambers focused solely on prosecuting human rights abuses and wartime atrocities using vetted, professionally trained investigators and prosecutors.

Institutional Protections:

• Provide greater security for judges and prosecutors handling controversial cases involving powerful factions.
• Reform legal education to instill professional ethics and strengthen analytical capabilities within law schools.
• Create oversight structures like judicial conduct review boards and inspector generals to reinforce integrity and accountability.
• Leverage international advisory commissions and civil society watchdogs as additional bulwarks against partisan interference.

How Other Countries Have Successfully Reformed after a Civil War

• Reform appointment processes to be merit-based, reducing partisan influence. For instance, giving law schools and bar associations input on judges selected.
• Increase security for judges and prosecutors handling controversial cases. In Colombia specially-vetted Supreme Court justices tried human rights cases.
• Provide more autonomy over court administration like budgets rather than executive control. The post-Pinochet Chilean courts gained this independence.
• Reform legal education to boost ethics and independence. Involve international experts in redesigning curricula at universities.
• Establish specialized chambers focused solely on prosecuting wartime human rights violations using independent judges. Rwanda used this to address genocide.
• Engage international support like advisory commissions to monitor and reinforce Guatemala’s judicial reform efforts. Neighbor Costa Rica did this after its civil war.

the Ongoing affects of civil War

My parents moved to Andalucia, Southern Spain in 1975. This was the year that the Spanish dictator General Franco died and thirty six years after the Civil war. In 1988 I moved permanently to Spain but I traveled extensively between 1975 and 1988 all over the country. Most of the things I learned living in a civil war zone I didn’t want to know. Civil war creates mistrust and divisions between families, neighbors, friends and everyone. You very uickly learn you can trust no one but yourself.

I was forcibly removed From A War Zone in a Police Vehicle

How many times did the local police chief in Polunnaruwa, East Sri Lanka,eject me from the war zone? From memory it was about twenty times. I got on well with the local police chief and he mostly accepted I wasn’t in general in any danger. As I said earlier, I wasn’t in any danger because the Sinhalese armies objective was to wipe out the Tamils. let’s be very clear here they wanted to commit genocide. Neither side were interested in two wandering tourists. Everything becomes normal when it is repeated. Should I have to cross the war zone, which we did about once a week, we had to ask the fighting sides for access. We asked for ten minutes on either side to have a cup of tea. This was times religiously so as not to favor either side. I know the Tamils knew our support was with them as we drank with them most nights, but it is never wise to alienate national forces.

So What Caused this Civil War

The Sinhalese were a member of a people originally from northern India, now forming the majority of the population of Sri Lanka.There objectives were to wipe out the Tamils. These Tamils are the indigenous Tamil-speaking people of the island and have lived in Sri Lanka for centuries. They are primarily concentrated in the Northern and Eastern provinces. The irony wasn’t lost on me one group of expat Indians trying to wipe out another group of Expat Indians. Of course the term expat wasn’t coined in the Fifteenth Century, but you get my general drift.

Let’s get back to my forcible ejection.

Well unfortunately the chief of Police of blah de blah arrived in Polunnaruwa, we had met previously and the meeting wasn’t in any way shape or form cordial He threatened to arrest me if I was caught in a war zone again. He sent out a patrol to find me and arrest me, and of course my husband.

Every time I had been forcibly ejected before I was removed from the area on a CTV bus. CTV stands for Ceylon Transport Board, which is the main state-run public transportation provider in Sri Lanka. I have to agree that the CTV buses were targeted by the Tamils as they tried unsuccessfully to disrupt local transport. Weirdly I always felt safe on a CTV bus. This head honcho sent me back to Columbo in a police vehicle. Now I have done some crazy things in my time but this scared the shit out of me. I knew that only a complete idiot would be safe in police transport in a war zone.Of course I lived to tell the tale, but this story highlights our continued experience in war zones.

Conclusion: My Biggest Challenge As A Digital Nomadess

I have spent many years in civil war zones or experiencing them almost straight after. Civil wars leave behind destruction and distrust on a massive scale and it takes both time and a massive effort to rebuild sustainable lives. Guatemala has a long long way to go, it hasn’t even touched the surface in terms of change or transparency. It still leaves two distinct groups of people the far right colonial legacy and the indigenous people. At the moment there is no sight of a bridge being made between them/ My Biggest Challenge As A Digital Nomadess is to live in a country that is still devastated by war and silently watching the affects on a daily basis.